LETTERS

Seattle

The Cover Story "Deadlocked in Seattle" (December 24) presented a fresh perspective on a subject that has been otherwise reported in detail in various magazines.

I cannot understand why a country of India's size and strength should submit itself to arm-twisting by the World Trade Organisation (WTO). India's sovereignty is weakened by its adopting the patents regime of the WTO.

India's share of world trade is just 0.6 per cent. There is no need for it to kneel before the WTO, which empowers the United States to force open Indian markets to its goods and services while blocking the entry of Indian goods and services to the U.S.

We should guard against the WTO, which represents the most strident form of neo-colonialism and helps developed countries to conquer developing countries through trade and investment.

S. Raghunatha Prabhu
Alappuzha, Kerala

The failure of the WTO's Ministerial Conference should not be seen as the success of either the people of the developing countries or the labour movement or the environmentalists. In fact, the talks had nothing to do with any genuine issue. The interests of traders and workers cannot be the same. The United States and other developed countries are now professing concern for labour, the environment, agriculture and so on. It is the U.S. which blackmailed India in the name of human rights and issues such as child labour. What is unfortunate is that the Indian government too has joined the battle among the big fish (read globalisation) under the influence of domestic market forces.

Himanshu Mishra
Ghazipur, U.P.

LTTE and sympathy factors

P. Nedumaran and the pro-Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) groups should campaign against death penalty in the LTTE-controlled areas of Sri Lanka and not in Tamil Nadu or elsewhere in India. Rajiv Gandhi was killed after Velupillai Prabakaran's "ka ngaroo court" passed a "death sentence" against him. The LTTE leader passed death sentences against even his one-time confidant, Mahatiya, and moderate Tamil leaders such as A. Amirthalingam. The LTTE also ruthlessly killed, among others, Sri Sabarathnam and K. Padmanabha, leaders of the Tamil Eelam Liberation Organisation (TELO) and the Eelam People's Revolutionary Liberation Front (EPRLF), and Sri Lankan leaders such as R. Premadasa and Lalith Athulatmudali. While the LTTE's killing spree continues, i t is meaningless to talk about showing mercy to the killers of Rajiv Gandhi.

S. Prakash
Mutharasanallur, Tamil Nadu

The report on the latest situation in northern Sri Lanka was vivid and comprehensive ("LTTE offensive", December 10). I appreciate your regular, in-depth coverage of Sri Lankan affairs.

K. Thiru Kumaran
New Jersey, U.S.

Kashmir

This refers to "An uncertain game plan" (December 24). The Government's overtures to the All Party Hurriyat Conference show that it is moving in the right direction. It should not depend on a State government elected by a small section of voters. The sit uation reminds one of Bertolt Brecht's words: "The people have lost the government's confidence. Would it be simpler if the government dissolved the people and elected another?"

In the 1950s when I was a soldier serving in the Srinagar Ordnance Depot, most of the civilian employees there were Kashmiris - Pandits as supervisory staff and Muslims mostly as labourers. There was complete amity between them. But if anything came from outside Kashmir they said, "It is from India". We were loved and respected, but only as "Indians".

How that situation has changed is history. The Indian authorities are to blame for the transformation. They restricted Kashmir's special status. A corrupt dynastic government was foisted on them. Kashmiris were frustrated by the misrule, and Pakistan exp loited the situation. The youth, with Pakistan-inspired indoctrination and weapons, turned to religious fundamentalism and militancy. Naturally, Hindu-Muslim amity and the minority community became the casualties.

Mistakes have been committed by both sides. But Kashmiri Muslims will do well to consider the situation if Kashmir were a part of Pakistan. There would not have been any Article 370, and Pakistan would have wiped out Kashmir's ethnicity (Kashmiriat) by n ow. The alternative would have been for Kashmiris to fight against Pakistan and win their freedom, as East Bengalis did. But that seems to be almost impossible because of Pakistan's border with Kashmir. Being part of India, Kashmir is still saved as the homeland of Kashmiris, albeit of Kashmiri Muslims.

There is no use talking to Pakistan to settle the Kashmiri problem. The talks should be between the real representatives of the Muslims and Hindus of Kashmir and the Government of India. Kashmiris should be given the freedom to decide their destiny and K ashmiri Muslims should realise that it is their duty to rehabilitate the Pandits in their homeland.

N. Kunju
Delhi

M.N. Srinivas

"A scholar remembered" (December 24) is a scholarly attempt at encapsulating the contributions of M.N. Srinivas, whose demise has left a void that will be difficult to fill.

Srinivas has left an indelible mark in the field of sociology through his penchant for explaining the dynamics of social change and mobility in Indian society on the basis of empirical studies rather than abstract theorisation. It was his faith in the ef ficacy of field work as a methodological tool for social investigation that impelled him to draw inspiration more from those such as Malinowski, Radcliffe Brown and Evans Pritchard who encourage field work than from Talcott Parsons, the high priest of ab stract theorisation. Srinivas combined the 'sociological imagination' of C. Wright Mills with the humanistic perspective of Alvin Gouldner. He showed exceptional sociological abilities when, for example, he dwelt at length on the aetiological agents and predisposing factors of integrative forces in our society. He observed that the secularity of the Indian state tolerates diversity. He identified the path of planned development and the existence of the ideals of equality, a single government and common civil and criminal laws as evidence of unity in diversity in India.

The validity of these observations brings into sharp focus Srinivas' ability to express complex sociological facts in terms intelligible to everyone. He will be remembered for ever as a sociologist who made seminal contribution to the understanding of so cial processes through his demystifying empirical studies.

Rakesh Kumar Sinha
Delhi

We are writing with reference to the article "The self as institution" by A.R. Vasavi (December 24). We understand this essay is intended to be a tribute to the memory of M.N. Srinivas. However, it strangely fails to capture the spirit in which he lived his life. Neither does it competently comment on his body of work. It is clear from the essay that the author was neither a student of Srinivas nor a long-term associate or friend.

As social anthropologists ourselves, we are accustomed to scholarly critiques of Srinivas' work which he himself encouraged, contrary to A.R. Vasavi's claim. His commitment to social anthropology was such that several generations of trained anthropologis ts and sociologists enjoyed discussions with him and he enthusiastically supported views which differed from his own. However, he did have certain standards of scholarship which he himself rigorously adhered to.

The author demonstrates a certain lack of professionalism as she freely misrepresents and misquotes Srinivas and members of his family. In choosing to write a speculative and personal piece without seeking our consent, she has violated our privacy in a t ime of grief.

Lakshmi Srinivas
Tulasi Srinivas
Bangalore

A.R. Vasavi writes, in response to the letter from M.N. Srinivas' daughters:

I am taken aback by the unexpected objections raised by Lakshmi and Tulasi Srinivas to my short tribute to Prof. M.N. Srinivas - which Frontline requested me to write. In this essay, I had sought to portray Prof. Srinivas' admirable qualities in b oth the institutional and personal contexts. In noting some of our academic differences, I believe I have not misrepresented him or his ideas. Further, I believe that I have not in any way violated the privacy of their grief - a grief that I too feel. It was not my intent to hurt the family, especially Mrs. Rukmini Srinivas, whom I respect greatly.

Christian population

In an attempt to give a reply to the article "Misleading figures", published in the October 31 issue of Organiser, your correspondent V. Sridhar has compared the statistics given in the Organiser article with Census data ("A numbers game," December 10).

The Organiser article had said at the outset that Christian leaders tried to mislead the nation by giving "incorrect" and "strategically suitable" information to meet their long-term interest and goals. The figures mentioned in the article, which have been reproduced in your magazine as "RSS claim", are not the figures of the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS). Organiser had only reproduced some of the figures that are available in Christian literature, discussing Christian leaders' strateg ies for India and claiming that their goal is to make the country a Christian nation in the next three centuries. Concealing the actual figures of Christian population is a strategy evolved by them in the 1980s. This is the reason why there seems to be a decline in their population at least in the Census figures. But their texts have an altogether different story to tell. The Organiser article tried to clear this myth.

At the bottom of all the tables and quotes in the Organiser article, the source is given, making it clear that the these figures are given by Christians and not by us. Had your correspondent read this he would not have said that Organiser " suppressed relevant facts... and used bogus figures".

I shall repeat the same facts along with the source. After reading the books brought out by Christians we strongly believe that the Census figures are real as far as Christians are concerned. In World Christian Encyclopedia: A Comparative Study of Church es and Religions in Modern World, A.D. 1900-2000, edited by David B. Barrett and published by the Oxford University Press (pages 370 to 381), deal with India. The book, giving the population figures, reveals the presence of a substantial number of crypto -Christians, defined as secret Christian believers not mentioned in Census figures.

Similarly, Operation World by Patrick John Stone, published by Operation Mobilisation Publishing, Britain, gives 2.61 per cent as the official figure of the population of Christians in India and 4 per cent as the unofficial figure (page 274). The book fu rther says (on page 275) that the Census figures are "artificially low" because a number of converts from the Scheduled Castes and the Scheduled Tribes and other communities do not register themselves as Christians in government records.

Your article says: "For instance, Organiser claims that the Christian population increased from 2.53 per cent in 1981 to 2.61 per cent in 1991; however, Census data show that the percentage declined from 2.45 per cent to 2.32 per cent during this period." This is precisely the point we want to make - that the Census figures are not the real figures. The figures that have been attributed to Organiser were in fact taken from documents brought out by Christians. According to "Trends and Issue s in Evangelization in India based on the CBCI Survey Reports, Augustine Kanjamala SVD, CBCI Secretary", the population of Christians in India in 1981 was 2.53 per cent, while Operation World gives 2.61 per cent as the official figure of the Christian po pulation in 1991. Another book, Christian College in Developing India: A Sociological Inquiry, by Richard D.N. Dickinson, published by the Oxford University Press in 1971, says that the population of Christians in India increased from 0.98 per cent in 19 01 to 2.44 per cent in 1961.

As for the figures for the districts, the percentage increase in the Christian population in every Indian district is given by Mission Mandate, published by the Mission India 2000, Chennai, as part of an attempt to assess the impact of various evangelisa tion activities in the entire country. For example, according to the Mission Mandate, the population of Christians in Lower Subansiri in Arunachal Pradesh jumped from 668 in 1971 in to 7,997 in 1981. According to the Census figures, the Christian populat ion increased to 34,048 in 1991. The figures are revealing and do not require much interpretation. Similar is the case of Tirap where, according to Mission Mandate, the Christian population was 558 in 1971 and 6,962 in 1981. And, according to the Census, this increased to 15,472 in 1991. Mission Mandate, while prioritising the goals of Christians for the next few years, gives the Christian population figures for other districts also. We reproduced these figures for the convenience of our readers.

The Christian population in Arunachal Pradesh has seen a big jump over the past few decades - from 3,684 in 1971 to 27,306 in 1981 (according to Mission Mandate). This increased to 89,013 in 1991 as per the Census figures. The increase in the population from 3,000 to 90,000 in two decades cannot be natural.

As the SBCI reports points out, Christians constituted 7.8 per cent of the total population in the north-eastern region in 1951, and this increased to 16.74 per cent in 1981.

Rajendra Chadha
New Delhi

V. Sridhar writes:

The Census of India remains the most authentic source for head count data in India. Despite limitations, it is generally acclaimed as one of the most accurate census operations in the world. Any claim - whether by the Church or by any other quarter - abo ut a rival head count is without any basis. There is no other organisation in India that can undertake any exercise that can rival the gigantic task undertaken by the Census authorities every 10 years. The Census authorities, it may be pointed out, condu ct sample checks after the head count operations. The margin of error, according to persons familiar with the Census operations and data, is generally insignificant.

An analysis of the Census data demolishes the claim made by the RSS and its sister organisations that the Christian population is increasing alarmingly because of conversions. Chadha's selective use of figures is in line with this claim.

In fact, other data presented by Frontline - on birth, death and fertility rates and health and literacy indicators - corroborate the Census data. Thus, the low growth rate of the Christian population is consistent with the low fertility rate amon g Christians. The low fertility rate is readily explained by the social sector advances among the Christian population, particularly in the field of literacy and health.

For all these and other reasons, Chadha's claim that there is a substantial number of "crypto Christians" in India is without any basis. The sheer numbers of the supposedly "hidden" Christians would be too large to conceal. According to Chadha (or his Ch ristian sources), "hidden" Christians would account for about 1.68 per cent of the total population; this would mean that about 15 million Christians would have to be "hidden" from the Census enumerators. It is difficult to imagine a covert operation of this scale being carried out by any organisation in a vast country like India.

Official statistics do not confirm Chadha's claim that the Census underestimates the number of Christians in India because members of the Scheduled Castes and the Scheduled Tribes who convert to Christianity do not declare themselves as Christians to Cen sus enumerators. Between 1981 and 1991, the proportion of the Scheduled Castes in the Indian population increased only slightly - from 15.8 per cent to 16.3 per cent. The proportion of the Scheduled Tribes increased from 7.8 per cent to 8 per cent during this period. In demographic terms this minor increase can be attributed to the higher fertility rates among these sections which, in turn, can be explained by the well-known and widespread levels of deprivation among them.

Nuclear weapons

This has reference to the excerpts from the book South Asia on a Short Fuse: Nuclear Politics and the Future of Global Disarmament by Praful Bidwai and Achin Vanaik (December 10). While in principle all nuclear weapons are a scourge on humanity an d criticism against them is welcome, what one finds in the critique presented by these two writers is their attempt to link the Pokhran-II test to a "Hitlerian and hegemonistic" Hindutva mindset. It is here that the authors lose their sting. They have ma de a subtle attempt to camouflage their hatred of Hindutva by quantifying the devastation wrought by nuclear weapons. They have also tried in vain to project India's nuclear bomb as a "Hindu" bomb and that it is a threat to the entire humanity.

In their opinion, Hindus, in order to gain the confidence of this highly militarised and highly weaponised globe, should forever remain defenceless and disarmed. Weaponisation is the prerogative of a few and no steps to counter this system should be init iated.

The only way Japan could have prevented the United States from bombing Hiroshima and Nagasaki was to possess at least a crude nuclear bomb (Pokhran-I type).

L.T. Sippy
Pune