'It was an attack on Dalit-Muslim unity'

Interview with K. Krishnasamy.

K. Krishnasamy, 44, a Coimbatore-based cardiologist, gave up practice to fight for the cause of Dalits and formed the Devendra Kula Vellalar Federation (DKVF) in 1995. He did significant work among Dalit victims of the brutal police action at Kodiyankulam in Tuticorin district in 1995 (Frontline, October 20, 1995). In 1996, he was elected to the Tamil Nadu Legislative Assembly from the Ottapidaram (Reserved) constituency in Tuticorin district. On the eve of the Lok Sabha elections in 1998, the DKVF metamorphosed into a political party named Puthiya Tamilagam. Although the party did not win a single seat, its performance was impressive in a few constituencies. The party's first State-level conference was held in mid-September in Ramanathapuram.

Earlier in his political career, Krishnasamy was influenced by Marxism. In fact, he says, "I continue to be a Marxist." Krishnasamy was detained under the Maintenance of Internal Security Act (MISA) during the Emergency in 1976. In an interview to S. Viswanathan he discussed Dalit-related issues and explains his party's political agenda. Excerpts:

How is it that caste-related violence has occurred mostly in the southern districts of Tamil Nadu?

There are thousands of castes in the country. There are more than 2,000 castes even among the backward communities and more than 100 castes among the Scheduled Castes. In Tamil Nadu too, at the top of the pyramid of the caste system are Brahmins. At the bottom are Dalits. In between there are many intermediate castes. The Kallars, Maravars and Agamudaiyars, who call themselves Thevars, are the traditionally denotified tribes, and their concentration is heavy in the southern districts. During the British rule, certain restrictions had been imposed on them. For political reasons, the conditions were lifted all on a sudden, without providing time for effecting a smooth social transformation. As a result, these communities are going back to their old ways. Political parties are using criminals from these communities for their own interests... The Nayak kings used them as policemen against the sons of the soil. And after independence, political parties used them for their own ends. Because they enjoyed political support, they, in turn, suppressed Dalits. That is why there have been repeated incidence of violence.

Between the Mudukulathur riots of 1957 and the caste-related violence in recent years, do you see any significant change in the Dalit response?

In 1957, there was not much awakening. Dalits were then completely unorganised, uneducated. They were under the influence and leadership of political parties run by others (other castes). Now most Dalits have come out of the clutches of those political parties. They have their own flags; now they are well organised. There is greater awareness. Dalits are confident of protecting themselves from atrocities...

S. MAHINSHA

Can it be described as a Dalit backlash?

Well, we can term it Dalit defence.

You launched the DKVF but have converted it into a political outfit, Puthiya Tamilagam. What is your political agenda?

My main political agenda is to bring equality among castes and to form a new social order, in which there is no possibility of exploitation. The social and economic emancipation of Dalits by bringing political power to Dalits is my political agenda.

Do you think that Dalits' problems can be solved in isolation from the struggle by other oppressed sections of society? Can it be separated from class struggle? You were a Marxist earlier in your political career.

I continue to be a Marxist. I believe in class struggle but Marxism is not class struggle alone. Dalits' problems can be solved by none other than Dalits. Before going in for class struggle, caste problems should be solved. There should first be emancipation of Dalits. To begin with, there should be a fight for equality. Only then can one think of joining hands with other forces. A person belonging to an economically weaker section and a backward caste should first consider as his equal a Dalit who is similarly poor. Only unity among equals will be effective and lasting.

In the recent incidents in Ramanathapuram, apart from Dalits, Muslims were also targeted. How would you explain this phenomenon of caste-related incidents getting a communal orientation?

What happened in Ramanatha-puram is neither a caste clash nor a communal clash that originated locally. There are no local issues between the people of the two castes involved. It was a planned attack, organised outside the district and executed in Ramanathapuram district in the name of organising a conference. They attacked Dalits and Muslims and also destroyed property belonging to both... After the formation of Puthiya Tamilagam I raised my voice in the Assembly in support of the Muslim community and organised more than 50 public meetings against the Prevention of Terrorist Activities Act (POTA). We have a good rapport with Muslims. They have started rallying round Puthiya Tamilagam. We organised a big conference in Ramanathapuram recently. If Dalits, with about 20 per cent presence in the State, and Muslims, with 12-15 per cent presence unite, it can signal the emergence of a formation that will be formidable. Casteist aggressors and Hindutva forces saw the Ramanathapuram conference as a warning signal in that respect. The AIADMK, which is looking for an opportunity to create conditions under which the law and order situation deteriorates, has joined hands with such forces in Ramanathapuram. Hindutva forces think they can break the unity between Dalits and Muslims by attacking Muslim property.

Table of Contents

Home | The Hindu | Business Line | Sportstar